There was once a once thriving fishing village at Kaloko. Photo by Jan Wizinowich
Beyond canoe plants and animals, the first voyagers to these shores brought the spirit of ahupuaʽa, a sense that they were of the land. On the most basic physical level, the ahupuaʽa is a dedicated land division that insured a sustainable livelihood for the inhabitants, but it is also an enduring testament to the canoe culture that propelled the first Polynesians to these shores. Successful voyagers had a keen understanding and a spiritual connection to the natural forces that ruled their world, honed through generations of careful observation and a community of people bound together in a single purpose.
The ahupuaʻa stretched from the mountain to the sea. Photo by Jan Wizinowich
Navigating the Land
To be of the land, you must know that land and upon their arrival, the voyagers began observing and noting all the natural phenomena surrounding them. This became their new culture. “The natural cycles within the ahupuaʽa were also the foundation of the Hawaiian family, social, political and religious structure, and it can be said that the Hawaiian culture itself is rooted in the land.” (Maly, p. 7)
On the water they navigated the celestial realm; on land they noted moon phases, tides and currents in relationship to planting and fishing cycles. Just as on the ocean where the behaviors of birds and ocean creatures were observed, on land by reading their world, lessons of the inhabitants whose island they shared were absorbed. On the ocean, there was an awareness of wind, clouds, rain cycles and wave patterns reflected off unseen shores, on land these signs continued to be navigational guides for a canoe at anchor.
The Polynesians started along the shoreline of this verdant island, eventually moving inland up streams to discover and develop mauka resources. Some plants they recognized, others were new, but soon ways were found to make use of them. Canoes for return voyages were constructed from koa logs harvested from upcountry groves, hollowed out using adze from mountain top quarries and lashed together using olonā, a fiber only found on Hawaiʽi Island.
As the population grew, cultivated land extended mauka, creating long sections of land, later termed ahupuaʽa. “The ahupuaʽa within which the native Hawaiians lived, represented land divisions that were complete ecological and economic production systems. The boundaries of the ahupuaʽa were generally defined by cycles and patterns of natural resources that extended from the mountainous zone, or peaks, to the ocean fisheries.” (Maly, p. 7)
Water, a primary resource and considered sacred, was found in abundance in streams and springs. The early settlers discovered ways to channel and share this resource within the ahupuaʽa by creating ʽauwai or irrigation ditches and aqueducts that made irrigation possible for numerous loʽi. “Water, then, like sunlight, as a source of life to land and man, was the possession of no man, even the aliʽi nui or moʽi. The right to use it depended entirely upon the use of it.” (Handy, p.63)
Keen observation led to connections between phenomena happening in different regions of the ahupuaʽa. “When they saw something happen in the mountains in their own ahupua'a then they related it to what was happening in the ocean. That's how we have these great sayings like ‘When the wiliwili blooms the shark bites’ or ‘When the sugar cane tassles, the time is right to gather the octopus’. The ahupua'a really made the foundation for culture and traditions,” explained Waimea cultural practitioner, Micah Kamohoaliʽi.
To be of the land, you must know that land and upon their arrival, the voyagers began observing and noting all the natural phenomena surrounding them. This became their new culture. “The natural cycles within the ahupuaʽa were also the foundation of the Hawaiian family, social, political and religious structure, and it can be said that the Hawaiian culture itself is rooted in the land.” (Maly, p. 7)
On the water they navigated the celestial realm; on land they noted moon phases, tides and currents in relationship to planting and fishing cycles. Just as on the ocean where the behaviors of birds and ocean creatures were observed, on land by reading their world, lessons of the inhabitants whose island they shared were absorbed. On the ocean, there was an awareness of wind, clouds, rain cycles and wave patterns reflected off unseen shores, on land these signs continued to be navigational guides for a canoe at anchor.
The Polynesians started along the shoreline of this verdant island, eventually moving inland up streams to discover and develop mauka resources. Some plants they recognized, others were new, but soon ways were found to make use of them. Canoes for return voyages were constructed from koa logs harvested from upcountry groves, hollowed out using adze from mountain top quarries and lashed together using olonā, a fiber only found on Hawaiʽi Island.
As the population grew, cultivated land extended mauka, creating long sections of land, later termed ahupuaʽa. “The ahupuaʽa within which the native Hawaiians lived, represented land divisions that were complete ecological and economic production systems. The boundaries of the ahupuaʽa were generally defined by cycles and patterns of natural resources that extended from the mountainous zone, or peaks, to the ocean fisheries.” (Maly, p. 7)
Water, a primary resource and considered sacred, was found in abundance in streams and springs. The early settlers discovered ways to channel and share this resource within the ahupuaʽa by creating ʽauwai or irrigation ditches and aqueducts that made irrigation possible for numerous loʽi. “Water, then, like sunlight, as a source of life to land and man, was the possession of no man, even the aliʽi nui or moʽi. The right to use it depended entirely upon the use of it.” (Handy, p.63)
Keen observation led to connections between phenomena happening in different regions of the ahupuaʽa. “When they saw something happen in the mountains in their own ahupua'a then they related it to what was happening in the ocean. That's how we have these great sayings like ‘When the wiliwili blooms the shark bites’ or ‘When the sugar cane tassles, the time is right to gather the octopus’. The ahupua'a really made the foundation for culture and traditions,” explained Waimea cultural practitioner, Micah Kamohoaliʽi.
Anchialine ponds such as this one at Kohanaiki supplied much food.
The ʽOhana Community
The ahupuaʽa within the districts of Kona, Kohala, Hamakua, Hilo, Puna and Kaʽu, were generally but not always, sections of land that ran from mountain to sea, divided into kai, kula and uka sections, each contributing to sustain the residents within. While technically considered a tax district, in origin and spirit it was a connected community of people, a weave of ʽohana groupings, who cultivated the resources of their particular ʽili.
Handy describes the relationships within the ahupuaʽa as “neighborly interdependence”, where goods and services were shared. “Between households within the ʽohana there was constant sharing and exchange of foods and of utilitarian articles and also of services, not in barter but as voluntary (though decidedly obligatory) giving.” (Pukui p.5-6)
Within this system, ʽohana living inland who could supply taro, bananas, wauke (bark for tapa), olonā for fibre and lashing, gifted supplies to the coastal area ʽohana and in return received fish, gourds, coconuts and other resources.
“My dad's family is from Kona and they all lived in the ahupuaʽa system. My dad's grandma was born in 1908 and she would tell us that the families that lived up in the mountains would bring all their birds, berries and all the things they gathered in the mountains, down to the middle of the ahupua'a and the ones on the bottom brought their fish and they traded things over and over. So she said that the families on the mountain always had fish for dinner,” said Micah.
Just as with a successful canoe voyage, the success of the ahupuaʽa depended on each person fulfilling their kuleana or responsibility. The system of “…sharing between chief and tenant was comprehensive and reciprocal in benefits. It also assured subsistence shares in food, fish, firewood, house timbers, thatch, and the like, to the lesser landholder----the planter.” (Handy, p. 48)
In later settlement years, this also meant producing enough food and other supplies to fulfill the tax levied by the aliʽi ai ahupuaʽa (chief who eats the ahupuaʽa). This was determined by the konohiki, who was a kind of an overseer appointed by the aliʽi and usually an extended family member.
The success of the early settlement system and the later designated ahupuaʽa was based on faith. Faith that everyone would take care of their kuleana, faith that the aliʽi would be fair and provide for the well-being of the ʽohana and most importantly, faith in the unseen forces that could determine feast or famine.
The ahupuaʽa within the districts of Kona, Kohala, Hamakua, Hilo, Puna and Kaʽu, were generally but not always, sections of land that ran from mountain to sea, divided into kai, kula and uka sections, each contributing to sustain the residents within. While technically considered a tax district, in origin and spirit it was a connected community of people, a weave of ʽohana groupings, who cultivated the resources of their particular ʽili.
Handy describes the relationships within the ahupuaʽa as “neighborly interdependence”, where goods and services were shared. “Between households within the ʽohana there was constant sharing and exchange of foods and of utilitarian articles and also of services, not in barter but as voluntary (though decidedly obligatory) giving.” (Pukui p.5-6)
Within this system, ʽohana living inland who could supply taro, bananas, wauke (bark for tapa), olonā for fibre and lashing, gifted supplies to the coastal area ʽohana and in return received fish, gourds, coconuts and other resources.
“My dad's family is from Kona and they all lived in the ahupuaʽa system. My dad's grandma was born in 1908 and she would tell us that the families that lived up in the mountains would bring all their birds, berries and all the things they gathered in the mountains, down to the middle of the ahupua'a and the ones on the bottom brought their fish and they traded things over and over. So she said that the families on the mountain always had fish for dinner,” said Micah.
Just as with a successful canoe voyage, the success of the ahupuaʽa depended on each person fulfilling their kuleana or responsibility. The system of “…sharing between chief and tenant was comprehensive and reciprocal in benefits. It also assured subsistence shares in food, fish, firewood, house timbers, thatch, and the like, to the lesser landholder----the planter.” (Handy, p. 48)
In later settlement years, this also meant producing enough food and other supplies to fulfill the tax levied by the aliʽi ai ahupuaʽa (chief who eats the ahupuaʽa). This was determined by the konohiki, who was a kind of an overseer appointed by the aliʽi and usually an extended family member.
The success of the early settlement system and the later designated ahupuaʽa was based on faith. Faith that everyone would take care of their kuleana, faith that the aliʽi would be fair and provide for the well-being of the ʽohana and most importantly, faith in the unseen forces that could determine feast or famine.
The building of ahu (altars) such as this one in Kaloko was an important part of spiritual practice.
Spirit and the Land
The Polynesians brought a spiritual practice firmly planted in the land and connected to the natural world. They maintained that connection through chant and practices that honored the gods and aumakua that represented various aspects of the natural world. “Indeed, the spiritual beliefs, cultural practices, and cultural landscape of the Hawaiian people, were intricately bound to the natural landscape of the islands.” (Maly, p. 5)
The Hawaiians saw that, “The ocean, the underworld of volcanism, the terrain and the heavens all harboured and brought forth elemental Persons embodying natural forces or phenomena and generic forms of life.” (Pukui, p. 27)
Early spiritual practices were based, “…upon simpler local clan and tribal subsistence economics having their roots in planting rituals and worship carried on by individuals and families of Kane and Lono as progenitors and waterers, respectively, of taro and sweet potato.” (Handy p. 351)
Later the aliʽi were the recipient of hoʽokupu (gifts), which literally means to cause to grow, in the belief “…that the high chief was the scion and living embodiment of the akua upon whom fertility depended, this contribution or levy actually was a ceremonial gift (mohai) of the fruits of land and labor to the deities who were believed to be the source of nature’s productivity.” (Handy, p.351)
The boundary markings of the ahupuaʽa (ahu =altar; puaʽa=pig), where offerings were made during the Makahiki season, were a tribute to Lono, whose main form was closely connected to agriculture, often in the form of dark thunderous clouds that bring the necessary winter rains.
The major gods of Hawaiʽi Island were Kane, Ku, Kanaloa, Lono and Pele, but the primary god of worship depended on family lineage. Ahu and heiau can be found in any region of the ahupuaʽa to honor an event that happened there, a special feature or a unique resource.
“There was one ahupuaʽa in Kona that had a spring and all the other ahupua'a around it were dry so they built an ahu there to honor the god Kane because it was Kane who came and plunged his o'o in and started this spring,” said Micah.
Harvest was an especially important time for tribute. It was a time “…to put an offering on the ahu to thank their ancestors, ancestral guardians, their gods and aumakua for providing their life and providing the miraculous things that were happening in their ahupua'a,” said Micah.
There was a constant awareness of the need to acknowledge the gifts of the greater powers that made their lives possible. “They were in tune with everything around them and with everything they did, they honored their ancestors and their aumakua. If they had a big harvest, it was because the aumakua took care of them,” said Micah.
The Polynesians brought a spiritual practice firmly planted in the land and connected to the natural world. They maintained that connection through chant and practices that honored the gods and aumakua that represented various aspects of the natural world. “Indeed, the spiritual beliefs, cultural practices, and cultural landscape of the Hawaiian people, were intricately bound to the natural landscape of the islands.” (Maly, p. 5)
The Hawaiians saw that, “The ocean, the underworld of volcanism, the terrain and the heavens all harboured and brought forth elemental Persons embodying natural forces or phenomena and generic forms of life.” (Pukui, p. 27)
Early spiritual practices were based, “…upon simpler local clan and tribal subsistence economics having their roots in planting rituals and worship carried on by individuals and families of Kane and Lono as progenitors and waterers, respectively, of taro and sweet potato.” (Handy p. 351)
Later the aliʽi were the recipient of hoʽokupu (gifts), which literally means to cause to grow, in the belief “…that the high chief was the scion and living embodiment of the akua upon whom fertility depended, this contribution or levy actually was a ceremonial gift (mohai) of the fruits of land and labor to the deities who were believed to be the source of nature’s productivity.” (Handy, p.351)
The boundary markings of the ahupuaʽa (ahu =altar; puaʽa=pig), where offerings were made during the Makahiki season, were a tribute to Lono, whose main form was closely connected to agriculture, often in the form of dark thunderous clouds that bring the necessary winter rains.
The major gods of Hawaiʽi Island were Kane, Ku, Kanaloa, Lono and Pele, but the primary god of worship depended on family lineage. Ahu and heiau can be found in any region of the ahupuaʽa to honor an event that happened there, a special feature or a unique resource.
“There was one ahupuaʽa in Kona that had a spring and all the other ahupua'a around it were dry so they built an ahu there to honor the god Kane because it was Kane who came and plunged his o'o in and started this spring,” said Micah.
Harvest was an especially important time for tribute. It was a time “…to put an offering on the ahu to thank their ancestors, ancestral guardians, their gods and aumakua for providing their life and providing the miraculous things that were happening in their ahupua'a,” said Micah.
There was a constant awareness of the need to acknowledge the gifts of the greater powers that made their lives possible. “They were in tune with everything around them and with everything they did, they honored their ancestors and their aumakua. If they had a big harvest, it was because the aumakua took care of them,” said Micah.
River valleys, such as Waipiʻo pictured here, were an important source of food.
Contact writer: janwiz@gmail.com
Sources cited:
Native Planter in Old Hawaii: Their Life, Lore, and Environment. Handy, E.S. Craighill and Elizabeth Green.
Mauna Kea – Kuahiwi Ku Haʽo I Ka Mālie. Maly, Kepā.
The Polynesian Family System in Kaʽu, Hawaiʽi. Pukui, Mary Kawena.
Sources cited:
Native Planter in Old Hawaii: Their Life, Lore, and Environment. Handy, E.S. Craighill and Elizabeth Green.
Mauna Kea – Kuahiwi Ku Haʽo I Ka Mālie. Maly, Kepā.
The Polynesian Family System in Kaʽu, Hawaiʽi. Pukui, Mary Kawena.
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